It is ironic that, as announced in
this morning’s edition of The Age (see
here), the world champion payer of kick-backs to Saddam Hussein now
has "key responsibility" for enforcing sanctions against Iran - the
"crippling sanctions” which Hillary Clinton in particular has been so keen
to see from the moment she became Secretary of State.
This development causes me
considerable sadness because during the early
years of the Islamic Revolution and into the 1980s I was involved as Deputy
Secretary of the Department of Trade, reporting to a very strong Minister (and
Deputy Prime Minister) Doug Anthony, in decisions that, unlike most Western
countries, we would maintain diplomatic relations with Iran, would keep our
Embassy open, and would keep the Trade office therein open. We maintained
business as usual throughout the most turbulent years of the revolution,
including during the 1979 US Embassy hostage crisis. We managed to maintain the
principle that the Australian national interest was separate and distinct from
anyone else's national interest, and a matter for us to decide, right up to the
George W. Bush era when the Howard Government threw it all away (and in so
doing reduced our usefulness to our American ally as well as ourselves).
It causes me pain also because
we are participating in sanctions which
(1) Have no valid
basis: under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran is entitled to enrich
uranium for peaceful purposes, and the only legitimate objective for the
international community is to get Iran to live up to its obligations under the
Treaty (permit effective IAIA inspections), not to force them to abandon
enrichment.
(2) Will produce
no useful outcome. Iran simply will not agree, for reasons of history and
national interest, and some reasons specific to the history of its nuclear
relations with the West – see my November 2009 post Iran
position on nuclear deal no surprise which
summarises the reasons why.
(3) Accordingly
the sanctions will impose poverty and misery on ordinary Iranians without
producing any useful outcomes, even by the standards of those who want to force
Iran to abandon the pursuit of an independent nuclear fuel cycle.
It
remains the settled view of the US Intelligence Community that Iran has not as
yet decided to embark on acquiring a nuclear weapons capability.
These
sanctions are about US politics, not international security, and indeed they
are more likely to undermine international security by raising the likelihood
of conflict breaking out unintentionally.
To take just one scenario, read my April 2009 post Choke
point: the Strait of Hormuz.
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