Showing posts with label DFAT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label DFAT. Show all posts

05 February 2014

Consular Strategy: Submission by Professor Ben Saul


A number of previous posts have gone to the question of what Australian citizens in difficulty overseas might be entitled to expect from the Australian Government by way of consular support. These posts are:


The last two are submissions I have made with colleagues to the Review of Consular Strategy currently being undertaken by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

Ben Saul, Professor of International Law at The University of Sydney, together with Researcher Alexander Horne, has made a very important submission on this matter, referring to the legitimate expectations doctrine under administrative law and raising the question of whether there should be a legal right to consular assistance.

This submission is of such importance that I present the text in full below. A PDF of the original submission may be downloaded from the DFAT website.


Submission by Ben Saul and Alexander Horne

Consular Strategy Team
Consular, Public Diplomacy and Parliamentary Affairs Division
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
By email: consularstrategy@dfat.gov.au

29 January 2014

Dear Consular Strategy Team

Issues Paper: Development of a new Consular Strategy 2014-16

Thank you for the opportunity to make a submission on your Issues Paper. Our submission is confined to some key legal and policy aspects of consular assistance.

Under-funding of DFAT

We acknowledge that there are enormous demands for consular services which place considerable strain on DFAT’s resources, operations, and diplomatic relationships, and divert DFAT from giving attention to other important foreign policy matters. Some Australians have radically unrealistic expectations of consular assistance, often driven by a lack of awareness of what is possible and not possible.

At the same time, we note that a substantial part of the pressure on DFAT is caused by the dramatic under-funding of DFAT by successive Australian governments. DFAT is asked to do too much with too little. DFAT does not receive levels of funding commensurate with the size of the Australian economy, the levels of Australian foreign investment and business activity overseas, the ambition of Australia’s foreign policy agenda, and the large numbers of Australians living and travelling overseas. Considerable pressure would be alleviated by restoring adequate funding to DFAT to enable it to properly assist Australians in need overseas.

Legal uncertainty and public expectations

The Issues Paper notes that ‘[t]here is no right to consular services, nor is there any legislative requirement for the Government to provide those services’. It also notes that there is a lack of public awareness about the limits of consular assistance and often unrealistic public expectations about what can be provided.

A key question, however, is whether there should be a legal right to consular assistance, and what should be the content of such right. The question is closely related to the issue of public expectations, and whether the government should be more responsive to those expectations or seek to dampen them.

Presently, there is a lack of legal clarity on this issue. It is true that, under international law, the state enjoys a right whether to choose to exercise diplomatic protection in respect of a national at risk abroad; and further that the affected individual has no right as a matter of international law to compel their state of nationality to act on their behalf.

Yet, the international law position is not dispositive of the domestic legal situation. A state remains free to recognise a domestic legal right of citizens at risk abroad to demand protection from their state of nationality in defined circumstances. The question is entirely one of national law, limited only by what type and extent of diplomatic protection is permissible under international law (for instance, so as not to infringe upon the sovereign rights of the foreign state; or in cases of dual nationality).

While the Issues Paper asserts that there is no right to consular assistance, it should be emphasised that the issue is now somewhat unsettled under Australian law. This issue was raised but not determined in the Federal Court in Hicks v Ruddock [2007] FCA 299. Mr Hicks argued that the Australian Government had a duty to consider whether and how to exercise diplomatic protection in relation to his detention and trial at Guantanamo Bay by the United States. It was further argued that the Government was required not to consider irrelevant considerations in exercising its discretion whether to protect him. The Government responded that its discretion was a wide, unfettered one at the highest executive level and as such its exercise was not subject to constraints.

The application for summary judgment in favour of the Australian Government was rejected by Tamberlin J. He concluded that it had not demonstrated that Mr Hicks’ claim had no reasonable prospect of success. In the course of that judgment, Tamberlin J discussed the English case of Abbasi v Secretary of State [2002] EWCA Civ 1598, noting that it lent some support to Mr Hicks’ claim.

The Abbasi case represents the position in English law and we submit that its approach should be adopted in Australia as well. The English Court of Appeal acknowledged that international law has not yet recognised that a state is under a duty to intervene by diplomatic or other means to protect a citizen who is suffering or threatened with injury in a foreign state. The Court held, however, that the Secretary of State’s refusal to render assistance to a British subject whose fundamental human rights were being violated as a result of the conduct of a foreign state was judicially reviewable.

The doctrine of ‘legitimate expectation’ in administrative law (1) created an entitlement to have one’s case considered in the light of settled policy or practice for the exercise of administrative discretion. The Government’s acceptance of a ‘protective’ role in ensuring the rights of citizens abroad, as evidenced by Government policy and practice in the area of consular assistance, was sufficient in Abbasi to ground a legitimate expectation. The court in Abbasi concluded that the content of Mr Abbasi’s legitimate expectation was that the government “consider” the exercise of the discretion and that in this consideration all relevant factors would be included in the balancing necessary to the exercise of the discretion.

It is an open question whether the same expectation arises in Australia and the issue was not decided in the Hicks case. The Australian Government has often asserted that there is no right of consular assistance. However, by its policy and practice the Australian Government has consistently exercised such assistance or considered its exercise.

Other considerations weigh favour of a legal right of Australians to have the Australian Government consider exercising consular assistance. First, Australian citizenship is a reciprocal relationship: Australians owe allegiance to Australia, but the Australian Government equally ought to be seen as owing duties to Australians, enforceable as of right. Otherwise citizenship is deprived of its core substantive content; the executive of the day could arbitrarily withhold or withdraw the rights of citizens.

In our view, at a minimum, it would be appropriate for the Parliament to legislate to entrench the procedural right of a citizen or permanent resident at risk overseas to compel the Government to consider whether to exercise diplomatic protection. Legislative intervention could go even further by recognising a substantive right of diplomatic protection in certain defined situations involving serious violations of the internationally protected human rights of a citizen or permanent resident.

Both options above would duly recognise the public expectation that, by being Australian citizens or residents, they should be protected by their government (and even in cases of dual nationality where the Australian’s other state of nationality threatens them). The latter option, providing a strong, substantive right, additionally recognises that Australian governments should not be entitled to ‘trade off’ an Australian’s right to secure their government’s protection from foreign human rights violations in favour of other Australian governmental interests, such as economic or political interests.

In this regard, in our view Australian law and foreign policy ought to give appropriate attention to the risk of the fundamental rights of Australians being violated overseas, including violations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and international criminal law. This category of risk can be set apart from other grounds triggering consular assistance, on the basis that they typically often involve particularly serious harms to the person (such as torture or cruel inhuman or degrading treatment, unlawful or arbitrary detention, or an unfair trial), in circumstances where the foreign state itself is the source of harm, or has failed to prevent such harms by private actors. In addition, there is universal international legal condemnation of such violations, giving Australian governments a very secure legal basis upon which to act.

In the two cases discussed above, the harm threatened to the citizen was a grave violation of their fundamental human rights. In Abbasi, the policies of the UK Government recognised that the nature and extent of the injustice was a factor relevant in considering whether intervention was appropriate. As the Court pointed out, until some judgment had been formed as to the gravity of the miscarriage, the appropriate balancing act could not be carried out. Mr Abbasi had been in detention for 8 months at the time of the decision. Mr Hicks had been in detention for over 5 years when Hicks v Ruddock was decided and he allegedly faced the prospect of an unfair military trial.

Australian consular assistance policy and practice is already well familiar with identifying and acting in relation to violations of international human rights law. DFAT’s Australian Consular Operations Handbook refers, for instance, to human rights standards (such as the ICCPR and UDHR) concerning detention (Chapter 6), the rights of children (Chapter 11), and various women’s rights (Chapter 4).

Please be in touch if we can be of any further assistance.

Yours sincerely


Ben Saul
Professor of International Law


Alexander Horne
Researcher, Sydney Centre for International Law

Note:
(1) The English Court referred to the Australian High Court decision of Minister for Immigration v Teoh [1995] 183 CLR 273 in reaching its conclusion on the ‘legitimate expectations’ doctrine generally.  

21 January 2014

Supplementary submission: Consular support for Australian women overseas


In Submission on Consular Strategy 2014-16 I provided the text of a submission which my colleagues Andrew Farran, Garry Woodard and I lodged with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in relation to the current Review of Consular Strategy 2014-16.

Subsequently, Andrew Farran and I lodged a Supplementary Submission on an aspect of consular support practice which seems to warrant particular attention, namely the support to be provided to Australian women fighting custody battles in foreign jurisdictions, often involving domestic violence and/or child abuse, sometimes involving abductions. If we want to ensure that the available resources are directed to the most vulnerable, this group should not be overlooked.

The text of this submission appears below. For anyone who wishes to take up this particular issue, you need do no more than email a letter setting out your views to consularstrategy@dfat.gov.au by 31 January 2014. We would certainly welcome your support.

SUPPLEMENTARY SUBMISSION by Andrew Farran and Paul Barratt in response to the Foreign Minister's Invitation to Comment on Consular Strategy 2014-16
Further to our Submission dated December 7, 2013 we wish to make a Supplementary Submission on an area of Consular practice that has come to our attention, one which derives from one of the matters noted by the Foreign Minister in her Invitation to Comment, namely the fact that one of the factors contributing to the international mobility of Australians and hence the consular workload is the number of Australians marrying overseas – or more generally, we would suggest, the number of Australians living with non-Australian spouses in foreign jurisdictions, which takes in Australians who may marry a foreigner in Australia and subsequently move overseas.
The matter we wish to raise in this Supplementary Submission is the plight of Australian women fighting custody battles in foreign jurisdictions, often involving domestic violence and/or child abuse, sometimes involving abductions. While these cases must of course be governed initially by the law of the country concerned, the women fighting them can face a number of potential problems in their efforts to obtain a just outcome – one which is just not only for them but for their children, who depending upon the circumstances may or may not be Australian citizens. These may involve a failure to deliver on an agreed/negotiated process for considering custody, or a failure to accord natural justice, or even allegations of failure on the part of the relevant assessment authorities to bring all of the relevant information before the court. All of these would seem to be matters warranting consular assistance.
In raising this kind of matter we are not advocating that the Department should deploy its consular capacities on the merits of the custody claims per se. Our concern is that the deliberative processes that determine custody should observe the basic principles of natural justice and not involve any abuse of process. If such be the case then the provisions of and rights arising from relevant international treaties come into play. Their observation should be a matter of the government's responsibility to uphold in so far as they apply to Australian citizens. These provide a basis from which the government can and should rely in its interventions when seeking other governments to uphold and discharge their responsibilities in their own jurisdictions.
While the Convention on the Rights of the Child clearly applies in many such cases, so might the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. Such abduction might not only arise from the actions of a parent. It could be the consequence of judicial abuse of process. Whether that might or not be argued we come back to the citation from Oppenheimer in our original submission where it is stated that: "It has been repeatedly laid down that there exists ... a minimum standard of civilisation, and that a State which fails to measure up to that standard incurs international liability".
An international legal system committed to order and security is the strongest safeguard of Australia's long-term interests. Naturally if we do not respect and observe our obligations under the system we should not be surprised if other nations do not reciprocate. The fact that some do not do so regardless, is not a reason for Australia to take lightly its own commitments, both to the international community and to its own citizens. Without consular support their rights may prove illusory.
One hears of such cases. Because of their potential complexity (involving both treaty and domestic law) they may be beyond the resources of the Consular Section of the Department to address. Perhaps there should be a dedicated section within DFAT to handle these cases in conjunction with professional consular staff overseas. A private person having initially sought legal assistance in the relevant jurisdiction could not possibly be expected to manage and pay for all that is involved across jurisdictions in these matters to secure a just outcome particularly in circumstances where they have felt obliged for the safety of themselves and/or their children to exit the family home.
We commend to you these additional observations.
Andrew Farran and Paul Barratt
Andrew Farran is a former Australian diplomat, senior law academic (Monash University: 1972-86), and trade policy adviser. Previous vice-president of the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Currently, company director (UK and Australia).
Paul Barratt is a former Secretary of the Department of Defence, former Deputy Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and former Executive Director, Business Council of Australia.

05 January 2014

Consular services: Downer and Bishop miss the point


In a news item in The Weekend Australian, 4 January 2014, inspired by the current DFAT review of consular strategy 2014-2016, Brendan Nicholson reports that Australians caught in emergencies oversees could be billed for the cost of government assistance, following a review of the operations of the Department of Foreign Affairs’ consular services (see Julie Bishop signals consular help fee for Australians in strife overseas).

Further down in the article Nicholson makes reference to a submission made to the review by my colleagues Andrew Farran (former diplomat and senior law academic), Garry Woodard (former Ambassador to China and elsewhere) and me (see Submission on Consular Strategy 2014-16). Nicholson had interviewed me by phone and quotes a substantial part of our conversation:

"Our government seems too readily to accept that, whatever the local rules are, we can't do anything," Mr Barratt said.

"In those kinds of matters, the Australian government tends to say we have got to respect the judicial processes of the host country.

"That's true, but only subject to certain conditions because most countries are signatories to international conventions and they've agreed to conduct their judicial processes according to certain standards.

"In fact there are international agreements that say certain standards will be applied and we ought to complain when those standards aren't applied. That is a way in to apply consular support."

The main concern of those who wrote the submission was people who got into serious legal trouble through no fault of their own. "The government needs to use all the weapons at its disposal to support them," he said.

"Consular assistance is more than just making sure they're allowed to write a letter home from time to time ... or paying a weekly visit and seeing if they're all right."

Julie Bishop’s response to this is:

Ms Bishop said the Joyce and Lee situation was an example of where the Labor government did everything possible to get the men out of Dubai.

"I can't think of anything more they could have done," she said.

Alexander Downer’s response to it is:

Australia's longest-serving foreign minister, Alexander Downer, said the expectation Australia could intervene more directly in such cases was "silly".

"Is the Australian government going to say 'We've decided we don't take your legal system seriously and we demand that this Australian be released?'," he said. "There is no special law for Australians."

The government should in fact lower expectations.

"If somebody is arrested by the police and taken into custody and is facing charges in a court, the Australian government is extremely limited in what it can do, beyond making sure that person has access to legal representation. People need to understand that," he said.

"A mistake that even people like me have made is sometimes to raise expectations that the Australian government can do more than it can do. I think the Australian government should be honest with the public about what it can do."

He had been asked by the families to try to have the men held in Dubai freed and he believed work he did with contacts there helped ensure one of them was released on bail.

Both of these responses fail to grasp the essential legal point my colleagues and I were making both in our submission and in our Representations on behalf of Matthew Joyce and Marcus Lee:

While in general governments should defer to the due legal processes of the country where an Australian citizen may be detained, this principle is not absolute, especially where there is evidence of a failure of natural justice or other factors that would taint that process.

We draw your attention to the following observation regarding relevant international law in such cases:

“It is a well established principle that a State cannot invoke its municipal legislation as a reason for avoiding its international obligations. For essentially the same reason a State, when charged with a breach of its international obligations with regard to the treatment of aliens, cannot validly plead that according to its Municipal Law and practice the act complained of does not involve discrimination against aliens as compared to nationals. This applies in particular to the question of the treatment of the person of aliens. It has been repeatedly laid down that there exists in this matter a minimum standard of civilisation, and that a State which fails to measure up to that standard incurs international liability.” (5th Edition of Oppenheim, International Law, (ed. Lauterpacht, 1937, at p. 283)).

International law in this respect has not retreated since that statement though too commonly it is honoured more in the breach than in its observance. Given the increasing level of trade and investment between Australia and other nations it is vital that there be confidence in our respective legal and consular processes.

We believe that the Australian community should be assured that its citizens when faced with these situations will be assisted with the full diplomatic resources of their government, and if that fails the defaulting State should be made to incur full international legal responsibility and liability, a consequence which should have repercussions for its overall international standing in a globalised world.

Thus, far from saying we do not take the relevant country’s legal system seriously, we are saying we do take it seriously, so seriously we would like the country concerned to apply it in accordance with the legal standards to which it has committed yourself under international law. We nowhere suggest that there is a “special law for Australians”, nor do we anywhere suggest that the Government demand that people be released. All we are suggesting is that the Australian Government should use all the resources at its disposal to insist that the application of local law to Australian citizens take place in accordance with “a minimum standard of civilisation” – something I think it would be difficult to assert was the standard applied to Matthew Joyce and Marcus Lee.

If neither our current nor our longest serving Foreign Minister (nor indeed former Foreign Minister Bob Carr) are able to grasp this essential point, I think Australians going about their lawful occasions overseas have grounds to be pessimistic about the level of support they will receive from their Government should they find themselves the subject of legal processes in a foreign jurisdiction.

01 January 2014

Submission on Consular Strategy 2014-16


Late last year the Foreign Minister, the Hon. Julie Bishop MP, issued a public Invitation to comment to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade for the purposes of the development by her Department of a Consular Strategy for the period 2014-16.

To facilitate the process, an Issues Paper was posted on the Departmental website.

My colleagues Andrew Farran and Woodard and I lodged the submission which appears below. It and other submissions may be downloaded from here. The final date for lodgement of submission is 31 January 2014.

For an earlier post relevant to this matter, see Representations on behalf of Matthew Joyce and Marcus Lee.

Submission by Andrew Farran, Garry Woodard and Paul Barratt AO (see below) in response to the Foreign Minister's Invitation to Comment on Consular Strategy 2014-16.

This submission is not intended to cover comprehensively the many issues and aspects in this area of government responsibility and acknowledges that to an increasing degree Australians abroad should take proper precautions and look out for themselves. However we believe that there is a growing concern that Government can lose and has lost sight of a basic responsibility, and that is to uphold the duty imposed both on itself and other foreign governments, as a matter of international law derived from custom and treaties, to stand up with full rigour for its citizens abroad in cases of abject injustice involving prolonged detention and abuse of process.

Too often Governments either retreat from or ignore this duty because of what it may conceive as a transcending concern for 'the wider national interest', meaning or implying that individual interests are expendable. This should never be the case in a democracy such as ours.

While in general governments should defer to the due legal processes of the country where an
Australian citizen may be detained, this principle is not absolute, especially where there is evidence of a failure of natural justice or other factors that would taint that process.

We draw your attention to the following observation regarding relevant international law in such
cases:

“It is a well established principle that a State cannot invoke its municipal legislation as a reason for avoiding its international obligations. For essentially the same reason a State, when charged with a breach of its international obligations with regard to the treatment of aliens, cannot validly plead that according to its Municipal Law and practice the act complained of does not involve discrimination against aliens as compared to nationals. This applies in particular to the question of the treatment of the person of aliens. It has been repeatedly laid down that there exists in this matter a minimum standard of civilisation, and that a State which fails to measure up to that standard incurs international liability.” (5th Edition of Oppenheim, International Law, (ed. Lauterpacht, 1937, at p. 283)).

International law in this respect has not retreated since that statement though too commonly it is honoured more in the breach than in its observance. Given the increasing level of trade and investment between Australia and other nations it is vital that there be confidence in our respective legal and consular processes.

We believe that the Australian community should be assured that its citizens when faced with these situations will be assisted with the full diplomatic resources of their government, and if that fails the defaulting State should be made to incur full international legal responsibility and liability, a consequence which should have repercussions for its overall in ternational standing in a globalised world.

Andrew Farran is a former Australian diplomat, senior law academic (Monash University:
1972-86), and trade policy adviser. Diplomatic postings included Pakistan (1963-65), Indonesia (1969-70), and the UN General Assembly (1966 and 1969). Department of Defence (1970-71). Former vice-president of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, member of the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the International Institute for Strategic Studies, London. Company director (UK and Australia), and a regular contributor to print and on-line media.

Garry Woodard is an honorary Senior Fellow in the University of Melbourne and a former Australian Ambassador to Burma, China and Malaysia, member of the board of the Australia-Japan Council, former member of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, former national president of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, and patron of the Australia-Burma Council.

Paul Barratt is a former Secretary of the Department of Defence, former Deputy Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and former Executive Director, Business Council of Australia

Submission ends